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Nonetheless, such a neutral status quo in Laos soon became threatened de facto , e. The CIA in was tasked to mount an armed defense of the "neutrality" of the Kingdom. Helms then served as DDP and thus directed the overall effort. Thereafter during the s the CIA accomplished this mission largely by training and arming native tribal forces, primarily those called the Hmong.


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At most several hundred CIA personnel were involved, at a small fraction of the cost of the Vietnam war. Despite prior criticism of CIA abilities due to the Bay of Pigs disaster in Cuba, here the CIA for years successfully managed a large-scale paramilitary operation. At the height of the Vietnam war, much of royal Laos remained functionally neutral, although over its southeast borderlands ran the contested Ho Chi Minh trail.


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  6. The CIA operation fielded as many as 30, Hmong soldiers under their leader Vang Pao , while also supporting , mostly Hmong people in the hills. Consequently, more than 80, NVN troops were "tied down" in Laos.

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    At the time of Nixon's Vietnamization policy, CIA concern arose over sustaining the covert nature of the secret war. About Laos, however, Helms wrote that "I will always call it the war we won. Due to political developments, the war ultimately ended badly. Helms acknowledges that after President Nixon, through his agent Kissinger, negotiated in Paris to end the Vietnam war in , America failed to continue supporting its allies and "abdicated its role in Southeast Asia.

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    Helms references that eventually , Laotians including , Hmong emigrated to America. As the 'secret war' eventually became public it created a firestorm [ clarification needed ] in Washington. Helms recalls that three Presidents, Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon, had each approved the covert operation, the "secret war", and that fifty Senators had been briefed on its progress, e.

    In , it came as a jolt when, with a group of senators, Senator Stuart Symington publicly expressed his "surprise, shock and anger" at what he and the others claimed was their "recent discovery" of "CIA's secret war" in Laos. At the time I could not understand the reason for this about-face.

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    Nor have I since been able to fathom it. Mossad's Meir Amit later came to Washington to tell DCI Helms that Israel would loan America the plane, with its up-until-now secret technology, to find out how it flew. In , CIA analysis addressed the possibility of an armed conflict between Israel and neighboring Arab states, predicting that "the Israelis would win a war within a week to ten days. As Arab war threats mounted, President Johnson asked Helms about Israel's chances and Helms stuck with his agency's predictions. At a meeting of his top advisors Johnson then asked who agreed with the CIA estimate and all assented.

    Also, it led to his entry within the inner circle of the Johnson administration, the regular 'Tuesday lunch' with the President. In the event, Israel decisively defeated its neighborhood enemies and prevailed in the determinative Six Day war of June Four days before the sudden launch of that war, "a senior Israeli official" had privately visited Helms in his office and hinted that such a preemptive decision was imminent.

    Helms then had passed the information to President Johnson. Following the war, America dropped its careful balancing act between the belligerents and moved to a position in support of Israel, eventually supplanting France as Israel's chief military supplier. This U. Navy ship was severely damaged with loss of life. The US government formally accepted the apology and the explanation. Then Helms adds, "I have yet to understand why it was felt necessary to attack this ship or who ordered the attack". Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin had called to threaten military intervention if the war continued.


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    8. Defense Secretary Robert S. Johnson agreed. Helms remembered the "visceral physical reaction" to the strategic tension, similar to the emotions of the Cuban missile crisis. Helms soon took a place at the table where the president's top advisors discussed foreign policy issues: the regular Tuesday luncheons with LBJ.

      Helms unabashedly called it "the hottest ticket in town". In a interview with a CIA historian, Helms recalled that following the Six-Day War, he and Johnson had engaged in intense private conversations which addressed foreign policy, including the Soviet Union. Helms went on:. And I think at that time he'd made up his mind that it would be a good idea to tie intelligence into the inner circle of his policy-making and decision-making process.

      So starting from that time he began to invite me to the Tuesday lunches, and I remained a member of that group until the end of his administration. Helms' invitation to lunch occurred about three-and-a-half years into Johnson's five-year Presidency and a year into Helms' nearly seven-year tenure as DCI. Thereafter in the Johnson administration, Helms functioned in proximity to high-level policymaking, with continual access to America's top political leadership. It constituted the pinnacle of Helms' influence and standing in Washington.

      Helms describes the "usual Tuesday lunch" in his memoirs.

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      If the President, who normally kept to a tight schedule, was a few minutes late, he would literally bound into the room, pause long enough to acknowledge our presence, and herd us into the family dining room, overlooking Pennsylvania Avenue. Seating followed protocol, with the secretary of state Dean Rusk at the President's right, and the secretary of defense Robert McNamara , later Clark Clifford at his left. I sat beside Dean Rusk. In CIA interviews long after the war ended, Helms recalled the role he played in policy discussions. He was the neutral party who could come up with facts applicable to the issue at hand.

      The benefit of such a role was that he could be decisive in "keeping the game honest". Helms comments that many advocates of particular policy positions will almost invariably 'cherry pick' facts supporting their positions, whether consciously or not. Then the voice of a neutral could perform a useful function in helping to steer the conversation on routes within realistic parameters.

      The out-sized political personality of Johnson, of course, was the dominating presence at lunch. From his perch Helms marveled at the learned way President Johnson employed the primary contradictions in his personality to direct those around him, and forcefully manage the atmosphere of discourse. Regarding the perennial issues of Vietnam, a country in civil war, Helms led as an important institutional player in the political mix of Washington.

      Yet CIA people were themselves divided on the conflict. Vietnam then dominated the news. Notoriously, the American political consensus eventually broke. The public became sharply divided, with the issues being vociferously contested. About the so-called Vietnamese 'quagmire' it seemed confusion reigned within and without. Helms saw himself as struggling to best serve his view of America and his forceful superior, the President.

      Differences and divisions might emerge within the ranks of analysts, across the spectrum of the USG Intelligence Community. Helms as DCI had a statutory mandate giving him responsibility for reconciling the discrepancies in information, or the conflicting views, promoted by the various American intelligence services, e.

      While the CIA might agree on its own Estimates, other department reports might disagree, causing difficulties, and making inter-agency concord problematic. The process of reaching the final consensus could become a contentious negotiation. In , Johnson had substantially escalated the war; he sent large numbers of American combat troops to fight in South Vietnam, and ordered warplanes to bomb the North.

      Nonetheless, the military put stiff pressure on him to escalate further. In the "paper wars" that followed, Helms at CIA was regularly asked for intelligence reports on military action, e. The military resented such review of its conduct of the war.